There has never been a shortage of fatwas. These legal rulings or opinions made
by religious authorities address a wide array of issues concerning politics and
social norms, and have both justified and widely condemned the use of violence.
In 1998, Al Qaeda ideologues Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri issued a fatwa
“to kill the Americans and their allies.”
However, since then, a number of imams and scholars have issued fatwas against
Al Qaeda and other terrorist groups. In November 2008, for example, more than 6,000
Muslim clerics in India signed a fatwa against terrorism, following a similar edict
issued earlier in the year by India’s top Islamic institution Darul Uloom Deoband.
Most recently, Dr. Tahir ul-Qadri, a Pakistani Barelvi Muslim scholar, issued
a 600-page global ruling against terrorism and suicide bombing, which provides a
point-by-point theological rebuttal “of every argument used by Al-Qaeda inspired
recruiters.” Although many scholars have released similar fatwas in the past, Dr.
Qadri, the founder of Minhaj al-Quran International, “argued that his massive document
goes much further by omitting ‘ifs and buts’ added by other thinkers,” noted the
BBC.
According to the 80-page summary of the edict:
Dr Tahir-ul-Qadri goes that crucial step forward and announces categorically
that suicide bombings and attacks against civilian targets are not only condemned
by Islam, but render the perpetrators totally out of the fold of Islam, in other
words, to be unbelievers.
The fatwa has garnered much press attention among western news outlets, such
as Fox News, CNN, and the Washington Post. But while many have celebrated the release
of a religious decree grounded in Islamic jurisprudence and history, others remain
doubtful of its actual impact on potential young suicide bombers. While Minhaj al-Quran
International is active in 70 countries and has 5,000 members in the UK, Qadri is
considered to be relatively liberal and tolerant. Therefore, the people that would
follow and accept his fatwa are unlikely to be the same as those susceptible to
being recruited by Islamist militant groups.
Ambassador Akbar Ahmed, the Ibn Khaldun Chair of Islamic Studies at American
University in Washington DC, further emphasised, “The Sunni religious authority,
as distinct from the Shi’a religious authority, is fragmented. So there’s not one
figure who can issue a fatwa that every Sunni will listen to.” While Ahmed noted
that any fatwa of this kind is important, the problem we are facing with suicide
bombers “is that they are not from the same class [as moderate scholars like Qadri].
These young recruits respond much more to their own imams and preachers.”
No one questions the airtight credibility of Qadri’s text. But the issue we should
raise is not whether the fatwa will have an impact, but how to ensure that it does.
Fatwas or edicts of this kind can be influential if they are implemented in a culturally
nuanced way, using language that can be understood by the intended target audience.
In other words, if militant recruiters are using drone strikes to vilify the United
States or the Pakistani government, countering this ideology requires messaging
that takes similar realities into consideration. Although Qadri’s fatwa is based
in exhaustive academic research, most young jihadists won’t take the time to sift
through 600 pages in their decision-making.
Qadri may not be a universally accepted figure, but his text can be used as the
focal point for a strategic communications campaign geared towards countering militancy
and terrorism. This fatwa will only have the intended effect if local imams and
religious leaders from various sects endorse and adapt it for their nuanced communities
– applying Qadri’s language and framing it within the ground realities.
Madrassa leaders more open to reform can incorporate the fatwa’s text into their
curriculum. Imams of local mosques can use the fatwa’s framing of terrorists as
today’s Khawārij in their sermons, subsequently making it digestible for the public.
Rather than simply shutting down jihadist chat rooms, intelligence agencies can
create pop-up ads using language from the fatwa to vilify and undermine militant
ideology. Pamphlets, billboard ads, and radio spots can be other potential mediums.
We are well-aware that Islam is a religion of peace, that it has been hijacked
by militant and terrorist organisations to justify violence and intolerance against
Muslims and non-Muslims alike. The question, therefore, is how do we use that knowledge
to make a tangible difference?
Ultimately, Qadri’s 600-page fatwa has its limitations, and could very likely
end up on the metaphorical shelf, gathering dust. But this airtight research could
instead be used to enforce a more localised and nuanced campaign that could have
a more strategic impact.
By Kalsoom Lakhani